COVID AND DEMOCRACY

According to Freedom House, democracy and global freedom have been on the decline since 2006. 2020 marked the fifteenth consecutive year of this trend in recession and witnessed the largest margin between countries that experienced improvement and deterioration within this trend. The impact of this decline was experienced globally, both by populations that have lived under tyrannical governments and those under long-standing democracies.

The lethal pandemic has not only jeopardized public health and the global economy, it further led to the withering of democracy already under threat and the expansion of authoritarian rule. On account of public health, governments widened executive powers and limited individual rights. The freedom of assembly and freedom to gather were severely curtailed while a state of emergency was declared in many states worldwide. Due to the severity of the public health crisis, the government resorted to extraordinary measures. However, these measures were enforced as emergency executive powers performed with no oversight or accountability.

The police in many countries resorted to excessive use of force in implementing the restriction on movement and gatherings. In Kenya, human rights groups lamented the use of arbitrary force by security forces. In countries like China, Jordan, Ecuador, Italy and Peru, the military was called upon to assist the police in the enforcement of curfews and lockdowns. In Indonesia, the military was prominent in its pandemic response. Several military personalities are at the helm of its COVID-19 task force. The armed services played a critical role in setting-up emergency hospitals and securing medical supplies where required. Military leaders in Iran have become the most dominant in handling the management of the COVID crisis. In Pakistan, where there is already a delicate civil-military relationship, the military and civilian leaders were engrossed in a struggle over crisis response. The security forces overlooked the Prime Ministers and worked directly with sub-national authorities. Military involvement in domestic affairs risks strengthening its influence on governance if powers are not ceded back to civilian authorities post-pandemic. In states with already struggling civilian-military balance, the imbalance could be further entrenched.

Political leaders have used the pandemic as an excuse to crush dissenting voices in the form of opponents and anti-government protests. Laws have been passed that ban rallies, protests and demonstrations indefinitely with no clear date for review.

In the name of a public health emergency, governments heightened censorship efforts and unleashed disinformation campaigns. Governments targeted citizens and journalists who have called them out on their responses to the COVID pandemic. China censored any reporting on its handling of the crisis and detained journalists who shared information on the outbreak. Leaders used the pandemic as an excuse to limit the freedom of media and expression claiming ‘countenance of misinformation’. Journalists have faced threats, intimidation, litigation in Thailand; pressure to maintain positive coverage of affairs and expulsion from countries like Egypt.

States including those of liberal democracies resorted to surveillance technology. Surveillance ranged from phone tracking to facial recognition and being monitored on social media. In South Korea, to track people who may have possibly been exposed to the virus using smartphone location data. People arriving in Hong Kong are required to wear wristbands that electronically track their location.

Extensive contact tracing is done in Singapore. Detailed information on any known cases of the virus is then published. When enforced with no transparency and accountability, these surveillance measures risk being used for political purposes.

The global health crisis has threatened the right to vote by taking a toll on electoral processes around the world. According to the International Institute for Democratic and Electoral Assistance, elections (national and subnational) in at least 67 territories were postponed. Although necessary, postponement in some cases was done without a broad consensus. It has caused division with opposition groups claiming that incumbent governments are instrumentalizing electoral calendars as a political strategy. Countries that went ahead with elections, did so without not much consideration of the risks thereby putting citizens in danger. In Burundi, elections went on as planned in May 2020. Election campaigns and public gatherings for political reasons went on with no regard for social distancing rules. The government downplayed the threats posed by the pandemic. Following WHO’s (World Health Organization) concern about the Corona situation in the country, the government expelled all WHO officials.

COVID-19 has brought about a collision of rights. A conflict between the right to health and to life and civil and political rights such as the right to vote, right to privacy, freedom of movement and assembly. At critical moments like during the corona crisis, political leaders are forced to take emergency measures. The International Centre for Not-For-Profit Law has emphasized three tests that restrictions by governments should meet: conformity with law, legitimacy and necessity and proportionality. Furthermore, restrictions should be subjected to a time limit and periodically be reviewed.

According to the Carnegie Foundation, while the pandemic has posed a serious challenge to democracy, it has encouraged innovation. Although not free from curtailment, mobilization and activism have moved online. It has also led to some electoral reforms in the form of early and remote voting. Non-state actors working alone or in tandem with government officials have stood out in helping with crisis response. This has strengthened support and legitimacy for non-state actors such as community organizations.

As COVID continues to have devastating implications on economies globally, it is bound to cause further political disruptions, particularly in low-income and fragile states. The international community must work together in assisting the confrontation of the crisis and its impacts, especially in vulnerable states. In Addition, democratic states need to work together in creating a formidable presence in the international arena. Democratic states need to also work in solidarity with democratic movements globally

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